{"id":122939,"date":"2026-01-16T14:54:37","date_gmt":"2026-01-16T13:54:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/medea\/il-caso-albania-hope-barker\/"},"modified":"2026-01-19T11:26:06","modified_gmt":"2026-01-19T10:26:06","slug":"il-caso-albania-hope-barker","status":"publish","type":"medea","link":"https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/en\/medea\/il-caso-albania-hope-barker\/","title":{"rendered":"The Albianian experimentation – Hope Barker"},"content":{"rendered":"
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This analysis aims to examine how this bilateral agreement is situated within the European normative framework and constitutes, to a certain extent, a practical testing ground for policies that may become operative upon implementation of the European Pact on Migration and Asylum.<\/p>\n\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Hope Barker \u2013 GSCC Network<\/strong> is a freelance researcher and investigative journalist. Her work has been published in Balkan Insight, The New Humanitarian, and The New Arab. She currently conducts independent research on deaths and disappearances along the so-called Balkan route and on the deployment of new technologies to facilitate rights violations at European borders.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Re-writing Borders \u2013 Unmapping the map<\/h3>\n\n\n
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Hope Barker’s presentation was part of the event Re-writing Borders \u2013 Unmapping the Map<\/em>, organised by the Medea Project from 3 to 6 July 2025 in Trieste. With the aim of reflecting on European migration policies, their implications for the rights of foreign nationals, and their impact on democratic resilience, the event brought together practitioners, lawyers, and activists working in support of foreign nationals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A portion of the sessions addressed the internal borders of the European Union\u2014now a space of free movement reserved exclusively for European citizens or for individuals whose physical appearance can be associated with “whiteness.” We have documented this phenomenon since 2015, reporting on and challenging Member State policies that have progressively restricted the mobility of foreign nationals through disproportionate recourse to “exceptional” measures, such as the reintroduction of border controls, or to unlawful practices, such as informal readmissions and, more broadly, pushbacks at borders. This work has been carried out through advocacy initiatives, legal analysis, and strategic litigation.<\/p>\n\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n

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The event<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Phase 1: Albania as an Offshore Detention Centre<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The genesis of the Protocol<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The Italy-Albania Protocol is situated within a model already tested at the international level: namely, the Australian model and the one proposed by the United Kingdom with Rwanda, both predicated on the establishment of offshore centres for the processing of asylum applications.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The chronology of events is significant. At the end of 2023, the agreement was announced, and in April 2024, construction of the centres in Sh\u00ebngjin and Gjad\u00ebr commenced. It is notable that the Italy-Albania Protocol has consistently proceeded in parallel with, if not in advance of, developments in European migration policy. Following the announcement of the agreement, nineteen EU Member States, Italy included, formed an informal coalition calling for the transfer of migration procedures outside the territory of the Union, explicitly endorsing the Australian, British, and Albanian model.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The First Transfers and Their Failures<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

On 4 October 2024, the Court of Justice of the European Union delivered a crucial judgment concerning the safe third country principle. The ruling established that where effective admission of a person to the territory of a safe third country cannot be guaranteed, it is not lawful to subject that person to accelerated procedures based on the inadmissibility of the application.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Notwithstanding this judgment, on 16 October 2024, the first transfer of sixteen individuals took place. The following day, four of them were returned to Italy on the basis of the 4 October ruling: these were vulnerable applicants, including two minors, who should not have been placed in an offshore centre. The day after, judges at the Tribunal of Rome invalidated the detention orders for the remaining twelve, who were transferred to Italy the following day.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On 21 October, the Italian government attempted to circumvent this obstacle through a new decree redefining and expanding the list of safe countries. On 8 November, the second transfer occurred: eight individuals were sent to Albania (six Egyptians and two Bangladeshis), one of whom was immediately returned to Italy for health reasons. A few days later, judges once again declined to validate the detention orders, and all seven remaining individuals were transferred to Italy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At this juncture, the centres entered a state of semi-closure: staff returned to Italy, contracts were terminated, and media outlets reported the abandonment of the protocol. After a year of construction and substantial investment, the protocol appeared to be a failure, with individuals\u2014many of whom had been rescued in search and rescue operations following life-threatening journeys\u2014transported back and forth across the Adriatic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the beginning of 2025, however, Prime Minister Meloni announced a renewed commitment to the implementation of the protocol. On 28 January 2025, the largest group to date\u2014forty-nine individuals (six Egyptians, one Gambian, one Ivorian, and forty-one Bangladeshis)\u2014was transferred. Six individuals were immediately identified as vulnerable or as minors and designated for transfer to Italy. Two days later, the detention of the remaining forty-three was not validated, and all were transferred to Italy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Nexus with the European Pact on Migration and Asylum<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

It is essential to understand how these procedures, despite failing in their concrete implementation, are substantially aligned with the plan approved by European institutions for asylum management under the new Pact. The timing is telling: the agreement was announced at the end of 2023, precisely when final deliberations on the Pact were taking place, highlighting a close correlation between European policy and this bilateral protocol.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Pact provides that a person entering a Member State shall be subject to the legal fiction of non-entry: according to this construct, when a person enters a State, there exists a border zone in which they are deemed not to have actually entered state territory, as territorial sovereignty is suspended in this area. In the Italy-Albania case, this legal fiction is taken to its extreme consequences: by manipulating territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction, Italian jurisdiction is projected onto Albanian territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Screening Regulation provides that, upon entry, a person shall undergo an identity check, an assessment of medical needs, a vulnerability assessment, and a security check, for a duration of approximately five days under the ordinary procedure. In the Italy-Albania case, a double screening occurs: an initial screening on search and rescue vessels to determine who will be transferred to Albania, and a secondary screening at the port of Sh\u00ebngjin. Italian medical groups have reported that the initial screening is conducted by naval officers who are not adequately trained to identify vulnerabilities and conduct appropriate medical assessments.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Those who are not identified as vulnerable or in need of medical care are immediately channelled into the accelerated or border procedure, as provided for by the Asylum Procedures Regulation under the Pact. Border procedures apply to anyone who submits an application at an external border crossing point, is apprehended in connection with an unauthorised border crossing, or is disembarked following a search and rescue operation\u2014essentially, anyone attempting to enter given the severe shortage of legal and safe pathways.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are also accelerated procedures, applicable to an even broader group: persons who raise issues not relevant to international protection, who make inconsistent, contradictory, or manifestly false statements (something that can easily occur when someone has just been disembarked from a rescue operation), who intentionally attempt to deceive the authorities, who come from a safe country of origin, who have entered illegally or unlawfully prolonged their stay, or who have not submitted an asylum application as soon as possible. Exceptions concern victims of torture, rape, or other serious forms of psychological, sexual, or gender-based violence. Unaccompanied minors may be exempted, but only if they do not pose a threat to national security or public order.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These border procedures take place at the border and therefore, under the legal fiction of non-entry, not within the territory of the Member State\u2014and this is how Albania and Italian sovereignty in Albania can fit into this scheme. At Gjad\u00ebr, the full accelerated assessment of the application takes place: registration, lodging, and decision. As an accelerated procedure, it should last a maximum of twelve weeks\u2014a very short period to adequately assess an application, yet at the same time a very long period to be detained in an offshore detention site such as that of Gjad\u00ebr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the event of rejection, the person enters the return procedure, also lasting twelve weeks: the individual remains in this limbo space of non-entry awaiting the execution of return, thus reaching a total of twenty-four weeks. If the twelve weeks prove insufficient to execute the return, recourse may be had to the Return Directive, currently set at eighteen months but proposed to be increased to twenty-four months. Combining the accelerated procedure and the return procedure, lawful detention periods may range from twenty-four weeks to potentially one year and seven months.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a further complication: if a person enters through an ordinary procedure in Italy and, at the admissibility stage, their application is deemed inadmissible (for example, because the safe third country concept may be applied to them), they may be re-channelled into an accelerated border procedure\u2014and nothing precludes this from occurring in the Albanian centres.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The concept of the safe third country is central. The new proposals envisage the elimination of connection criteria: it would no longer be necessary to have a link with a safe third country for that concept to be applied or to be returned to that country. The proposals also envisage the elimination of the suspensive effect of appeals, with no guarantee that the person will not be removed before the decision on the appeal.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Phase 2: Albania as a Return Hub<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Following the repeated failures, the costs of return transfers, and judicial frustration, on 10 February 2025 the Italian government announced its intention to use the centres as offshore return hubs. One month later, on 10 March, the European Commission presented its proposal for a new Regulation on returns (or deportations), which permits the possibility of establishing offshore return hubs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Article 17 of the proposal allows for the conclusion of agreements with third countries to establish return hubs where individuals may await the execution of return. The current text provides for: a formal return decision, prior notification to the Commission, a prohibition on the transfer of minors and families with minors, and respect for fundamental rights and international law. Paradoxically, the provisions of the Commission’s proposal are already more protective than what occurs under the Italy-Albania arrangement, where the jurisdictional element (treating the territory as Italian in Albania) means that the transfer is treated as internal, thereby avoiding conflicts with the directive in force and circumventing the requirement for a formal return decision.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On 28 March, the Council of Ministers approved the new decree for the use of the centres; on 1 April, the EU declared conformity with European law; and on 11 April, the first transfer under this new function took place: forty individuals, escorted from the vessel in handcuffs. One person was immediately returned to Italy, three cases of self-harm were reported within two days, and within five days it was reported that some individuals were being held in a separate locked room under twenty-four-hour police surveillance for having damaged rooms in protest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On 2 May, fifty individuals were transferred, and on 9 May, news emerged that five Egyptians had been deported directly from Tirana airport. Until that point, those subject to expulsion had first been transferred to Italy. In this instance, a charter flight hired by the Italian Ministry of the Interior departed from Rome, made a stop in Tirana to collect the five individuals, and transported them to Cairo. Italy maintains that the protocol permits this, but compatibility with EU law is strongly contested. Notwithstanding this, on 12 May a further twenty-eight individuals were transferred.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On 20 May, news emerged of A. B., a Moroccan national who took his own life after being informed of his imminent transfer to Albania. One week later, a further twenty-eight individuals were transferred. The following day, the story emerged of Ibrahima, a young man unlawfully detained at Gjad\u00ebr for one hundred and twenty-five days despite suffering from HIV and mental health conditions, without adequate access to psychiatric support and necessary medication. On 26 June, a further fifteen individuals were transferred.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Strategies of resistance<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Despite these critical issues, various forms of resistance to the protocol have emerged. First, Albanian and Italian journalists and researchers collaborate in monitoring operations, following transfers, visiting the centres, and documenting the human dimension of what happens to individual persons, as well as highlighting the costs of the operation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The interventions of lawyers and courts that have led to the return transfers of individuals have been fundamental in demonstrating the unlawfulness of the procedures and in removing people from this situation. In parallel, political allies in the European Parliament and in national parliaments continue to exert pressure, pose questions, request information, and keep the debate alive at the political level.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, activists and civil society are actively working to raise public awareness, explore different avenues of advocacy, and contribute both to the narrative of resistance and to efforts to disrupt the functioning of the protocol.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Una sperimentazione pratica di politiche che rischiano di diventare effettive con l\u2019implementazione del Patto europeo sulla migrazione e l\u2019asilo.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":119058,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"template":"","format":"standard","categories":[2469],"tags":[2593],"tipologia":[1546],"categoria_medea":[2576],"sezione2":[],"tags_medea":[2594,2589,2595,2596,2577],"class_list":["post-122939","medea","type-medea","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-asylum","tag-albania-en","tipologia-notizie","categoria_medea-formazioni-ed-eventi-en","tags_medea-albania-en","tags_medea-esternalizzazione-en","tags_medea-externalization","tags_medea-return-hub","tags_medea-unmapping-the-map-en","infinite-scroll-item","no-featured-image-padding","resize-featured-image"],"featured_image_urls_v2":{"full":["https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/albania_aprile_1.jpg",867,490,false],"thumbnail":["https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/albania_aprile_1-360x203.jpg",360,203,true],"medium":["https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/albania_aprile_1-840x475.jpg",840,475,true],"medium_large":["https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/albania_aprile_1-768x434.jpg",768,434,true],"large":["https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/albania_aprile_1.jpg",867,490,false],"1536x1536":["https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/albania_aprile_1.jpg",867,490,false],"2048x2048":["https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/albania_aprile_1.jpg",867,490,false],"homeimage":["https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/albania_aprile_1-400x227.jpg",400,227,true]},"post_excerpt_stackable_v2":"

Una sperimentazione pratica di politiche che rischiano di diventare effettive con l\u2019implementazione del Patto europeo sulla migrazione e l\u2019asilo.<\/p>\n","category_list_v2":"Asylum<\/a>","author_info_v2":{"name":"ASGI","url":"https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/en\/author\/flora\/"},"comments_num_v2":"0 comments","yoast_head":"\nThe Albianian experimentation - Hope Barker - Asgi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/en\/medea\/il-caso-albania-hope-barker\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Albianian experimentation - Hope Barker - Asgi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Una sperimentazione pratica di politiche che rischiano di diventare effettive con l\u2019implementazione del Patto europeo sulla migrazione e l\u2019asilo.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/en\/medea\/il-caso-albania-hope-barker\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Asgi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/AssociazioneStudiGiuridiciImmigrazione\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-01-19T10:26:06+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.asgi.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/albania_aprile_1.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"867\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"490\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@asgi_it\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"12 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.asgi.it\\\/en\\\/medea\\\/il-caso-albania-hope-barker\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.asgi.it\\\/en\\\/medea\\\/il-caso-albania-hope-barker\\\/\",\"name\":\"The Albianian experimentation - 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